If you are feeling unable to follow the protocol or conform to the rhythm, acknowledge it and bring yourself to the place where you can participate most fully — be real and in the moment.

It's a privilege having enough space to constantly consider what someone else is going through.

Watching myself take care of myself.

[Multiple examples and analogies, as opposed to just one, help illuminate variability in the application of a concept.]

[Negative transfer refers to memorizing something in the wrong context; almost like functional fixedness. Positive transfer refers to the successful application of a concept to a new context.]

[People can misinterpret short-term failure as an indicator that they don't belong. Help them re-frame it as simply setbacks and nothing more, provide models of others who felt similarly in their situation.]

[Mitigate stereotype threat by emphasizing how people have multiple identities and focusing on the facets that are in-group.]

[Feeling a social connection or group belonging increases persistence on challenging tasks.]

[Establishing property and separating people from the land as a means of doing or self-sustainability leaves them with no choice but to freely choose to be exploited.]

[Property restricts the flight of those without it while not restricting flight for those who own it.]

[The system of property, like a maze with no exit, eventually funnels people back into the labour market to work as wage slaves.]

[The more capital is repelled by people, the more violently it tries to enclose them by extending the notion of property (genes, software, land) and refashioning people in its own image.]

[The most important outcome of struggle is often not the fulfillment of immediate demands but the creation of a community united in its opposition to oppressive forms, a collective doing.]

[Property is a noun used to describe and conceal an active separating process. To think of it as a noun is to accept the terms of domination.]

[Capital is the movement of denying movement.]

[Revolution is conceivable only if it is imagined as ordinary, that everyone can be a revolutionary.]

[There can be no recipes for revolutionary organization because it is anti-recipe.]

[Politics of events rather than politics of organization.]

[Representative democracy ensures that the masses want what the bourgeoisie thinks they should want. The masses are included in a form of articulation that excludes them. It is not a victory against capitalist rule, it is an extension of capital's domination.]

[at the very least ensure that we die of our own poison as opposed to that of others.]

[The representatives do not betray us: we betray ourselves when we elect them to speak on behalf of us.]

[Constantly expanding credit implies a weakening of market discipline. Postponing a crisis prolongs the life of inefficient capital and insubordinate workers.]

[Moving off the gold standard undermined the stability of currency. As capital tends towards crisis, credit is expanded to ward off the destruction of fictitious capital, the banks, and the financial system.]

[Money has expanded much faster than the value it represents.]

[Credit and debt is so fundamental to the financial structure of capitalism that threat or occurrence of default by a major debtor can wreak havoc on the markets. There was an urgency in putting together a package to support the peso in 1994 when it became clear that the Mexican government could default.]

[Capital is an inherently mobile form of domination: if it doesn't like the workers it subordinates, it can eject them from the premises, dissolve itself into money, and find more subordinate, more 'flexible' workers.]

[Credit, like the extending of a leash, gives both the dog and master the illusion of freedom.]

[We can understand capitalist domination's vulnerability by understanding that capital is not external to labour.]

[We are the only contradictions to capitalism; history is about the struggle to classify and against being classified, not laws of capitalist development. There are no gods such as money, capital, production forces, or history: we are the only creators, we are the only saviours, we are the guilty.]

[In any power dynamic, the relation between dominator and dominated is mutual, not one-way: the exploiters always depend on the exploited.]

[The feudalist relations between serfs and lords bound them to each other geographically and thus socially. Neither was free to choose another to dominate or be dominated by. The transition to capitalism gave both the freedom to do so.]

[The serfs were not free to stop working for someone else because they didn't control the means pf production. The lords were not free from exploitation because the expansion of their wealth depended on subordination of labour. Both flights to freedom arrive at a new form of dependence.]

[The interdependence between capital and labour is not symmetrical: capital dissolves without labour whereas labour without capital transformation into creativity and humanity.]

[Capitalism is a society of non-correspondence, things don't fit together functionally, the law of value is inseparable from

[A positive autonomous subject is akin to a prisoner in a cell who believes they are already free: it's an attractive fiction that leads easily to other fictions.]

[Neither ants nor machines revolt. Any theory of revolution must recognize our humanity regardless of where we are on the spectrum between natural and cybernetic.]

[Anti-power is ubiquitous and exists in our everyday experiences of friendship, love, community comradeship, cooperation – and all of the contradictions and issues that come with them.]

[Domination implies not absence of resistance but its invisibility. Oppression implies invisibility of the oppressed.]

[The only way to construct relations of dignity is through negation of what denies dignity.]

[If social relations are self-determining and not fetishized, they cannot conform to laws and are inherently void of certainty.]

[If capitalism can be understood completely through the laws of its own motion, it means that society is fetishized.]

[Certainty is the negation of revolutionary change, therefore our struggle is therefore against certainty.]

[Classes cannot be separated from their constitution: to say that they exist implies the framework which necessitates them.]

[We don't struggle as the working class: we struggle against being classified.]

[We can only be emancipated to the extent that we are not what we are classified, identified as.]

[During production, the worker produces an object as well as the value that perpetuates the command over his labour.]

[We don't need to be explicit in our negation: our existence as not-ness is the most fundamental force against identity."

Next time somebody comes to you with a feature request, try this: "Can you tell me a story about a time that you wanted to do that and what you had to do instead?" The first part of the question gives you proper context. The second lets you evaluate the loss.

How did you find these possible solutions?

Why not just keep doing things the same way?

What was happening that made you feel it wasn't working?

[If reality appears as untruth, to understand implies a negative process going against the form in which things appear: science is criticism.]

[As understanding of science changes from 'via negativa' to 'knowledge of reality', power-over undermines its critical power.]

[A rational basis for identity doesn't exist. We follow the chain of dependencies until arriving at some assumption that must be made in order for the system to hold.]

[When we question why things are the way they are, it is often answered within the framework of identity. When we except these boundaries we reinforce them.]

[We can only know about something to the extent that we have created it.]

[Marx does not see science as correct and objective knowledge but as the active movement of criticism and anti-power. Criticism tries to go beyond analysis and understand how a phenomenon is constructed.]

[We cannot stand outside of society. To say that society is sick implies that we too are sick.]

[Start with the perspective that the scream is an inevitable consequence of capitalist society and the established 'facts' of state, money, commodity, value become revealed as processes. Money becomes monetization, value valorization, commodity commodification, capital capitalization, power domination, state stateification.]

[The state reproduces capitalist social relations but through trial and error, not in a functionalist fashion.]

[By separating and categorizing certain social relations as 'political' or 'economic', the state reconstitutes itself as separate from society. By characterizing conflict as political, it distracts from questioning the legitimacy of economic ideas such as private property. It is defined and sub-defined to ensure that the proper channels of the bureaucracy will be dispatched to deal with it.]

[Capital is not tied to a specific group or place. The transition from feudalism to capitalism liberated power-over from geographic borders.]

[National states continuously fragment global social relations by asserting their sovereignty.]

[Citizenship / citizenization reproduces the mirage of democracy and the daily violence against foreigners.]

[Money appears to be established and unchangeable, but the appearance negates our struggle; monetization has no moment to relax in the comfort of guaranteed existence.]

[The existence of capital is insecure, if it fails to exploit labour then it ceases to exist, hence the ferocity of its struggle.]

[Capitalism is two-faced: it instability which fragments is what generates the appearance of stability.]

[Repetition of the exploitative process, as well as repetition of the anti-exploitative process, changes the conditions in which the struggle takes place.]

[The struggle against fetishization is not democratic, which is commonly considered to be a coming together of individuals, but rather it is a struggle of those who are all part of the movement against that which maims and perverts us.]

[Social recognition of your labour is no longer possible when you are creating commodities to be sold on the market: it is money, not labour, that tells you whether what you are doing is socially useful.]

If the separation of done from the doing is fragmenting, does would the reconnection be harmonizing?

[Marx describes the dehumanizing aspect of capitalism: it inverses relationships to the point where workers become the instruments of money, capital and machines; social relations are between things (money and the state, your money and mine) whereas human 'individuals' are merely there to exchange commodities.]

[Because we actively participate in the reproduction of capitalism, it is assumed that the state of affairs is permanent, unchangeable, and perhaps always was that way.]

[The separation of doing and done implies a capital class and labour class.]

[Doing is movement; in doing I go beyond myself; in doing, it is impossible to say that 'the world is' or that 'I am'; in doing there is no identity.]

[When doing is broken, the contradictions possible in movement are subordinated by definitive perspectives: 'the world is this way', 'that's the way things are'.]

[When doing is broken, doing is reduced to labour, to 'doing-in-the-service-of-capital-expansion'. Labour becomes quantitative: measured by hours, producing something to be sold for a price, producing value, rewarded by a wage. Doing becomes a train that moves ever faster but along pre-established tracks. Time becomes space, clock time, tick-tick time, where one tick is the same as another, time that moves but stays still, treadmill time.]

[There is no distinction between the doing of the user and of the maker.]

[Community becomes an aggregation of distinct individuals as opposed to the flow of doing. The bourgeois notion of science assumes capitalism to be permanent and considers it a virtue to distance the individual from community; he further away he is from the society he studies, the better; ideally the observer would be on the moon so as to remain maximally objective. This attempt at scientific objectivity is based upon the false idea that the thinker can be excluded while expressing his thought.]

[We write in the third-person to be scientific – first-person discourse such as 'I am bored of political parties' or 'we want a better life' is seen as unscientific.]

[Study is of or about something to distance the object from those who study it, which is another form of power-over: the best are the ones who can look at things from the outside, as a passive viewer as opposed to an active participant; the theory seperated from the theorist and can be 'applied' to the world.]

[Definition aims to not contradict; x cannot be non-x; the world becomes cleanly divided; if I am x, I cannot be y; the y becomes the Other. The not-Us (Jews, Blacks, Irish) is used to abstract horrible acts enacted upon others.]

[Identity fractures the doing and ultimately reinforces capital.]

[Sometimes asserting an identity can have an anti-identitarian meaning based on the context: to say 'I am Black' in a context of racial discrimination versus in a context of racism towards non-Blacks; to say 'I am Jewish' in Nazi Germany versus in Israel.]

[Reason has transformed from the pursuit of the good and true to that of the formally correct. It has more to do with formal mathematical logic than to do with understanding. Preferences between liberty and obedience, democracy and fascism, enlightenment or authority are seen as subjective. Reason becomes the means to an end rather than a critique of the end.]

[Identity is the antithesis of mutual recognition. By defining myself as x, independant of anyone else's recognition, my relations to others are not fundamental to my being.]

[The doer seperates from doing is also separated from the social tapestry and is a 'free' individual: free from responsibility to the community and free from meaningful participation in collective doing. The subject of bourgeois theory is an innocent, healthy, self-determining individual - any psychological problems are personal and not a result of a broken system. The more separated we are, the more identity is beyond question, the more unfree we are, the more liberated we appear to be.]

[Identification, definition, classification is not just mental but also a physical process. Jews were subjected to this in concentration camps. The bureaucratic power of the state functions similarly.]

[Power cannot be taken because it is not possessed by any person or institution: it lies in the fragmentation of social relations.]

[The state is exactly what the word suggests: a bulwark against change, against the flow of doing, the embodiment of identity.]

[Work not towards a theory of domination, but a theory of the vulnerability of domination.]

[The weakness of capital is that it cannot exist without labour.]

[Power-to exists in the form of power-over, doing exists in the form of labour, done exists in the form of capital, social flow exists as fragmentation, the content is dominated by the form.]

[Rulers always depend on their subjects, capital on labour.]

[Laziness can be anti-thetical to capitalist exploitation.]

[To scream is human. To go beyond is an expression of humanity.]

[It's impossible to do anything yourself - every action is made possible by an invisible collaboration between interdependant humans.]

[Screaming without being able to do anything is reducing oneself to a bee-like creature that can only reproduce.]

[The power to do something is never individual and always social, dependent on others.]

[The 'powerful men' cannot actually do anything, they command others to fulfill their wishes.]

[Capital dominates others by owning the 'done'.]

[Capital robs and the state supplies the weapons.]

[Capital breaks the collective 'we' into 'I / you / he / she / they'.]

[It's naive to think that social relations contain themselves to the state. The term globalization highlights what has always been true, that capitalist social relations have always gone beyond territorial borders.]

[Capitalism freed exploitation from national limitations by abstracting the worker through money.]

[The political party subordinates other forms of class struggle to the aim of controlling the state. In aiming to increase state control, all struggles get placed in a hierarchy. The real struggle against what we deeply refuse gets lost the moment power-building takes precedence, way before the party 'betrays' its promises. You can't build a society free of power relations by conquering power. Conquest of power embeds power relations into the struggle itself as opposed to abolishing power relations all together.]